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4-129 (Original)

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addressee author,male,The Bulletin,un
Newspaper Article
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Public Written
Newspapers & Broadsides
Clark, 1975
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By the term Australian we mean not those who have been merely born in Australia. All white men who come to these shores with a clean record - and who leave behind them the memory of the class-distinctions and the religious differences of the old world; all men who place the happiness, the prosperity, the advancement of their adopted country before the interests of Imperialism, are Australian. In this regard all men who leave the tyrant-ridden lands of Europe for freedom of speech and right of personal liberty are Australians before they set foot on the ship which brings them hither. [801] Those who fly from an odious military conscription; those who leave their fatherland because they cannot swallow the worm-eaten lie of the divine right of kings to murder peasants, are Australians by instinct - Australian and Republican are synonymous. No nigger, no Chinaman, no lascar, no Kanaka, no purveyor of cheap coloured labour, is an Australian. True to his grovelling and lickspittle nature, the Chinaman in Australia is a toady and a "loyalist", and at least a pretended worshipper of his friend Missa PARKES, who poll-taxes him, and of the regime under which thousands of his countrymen have been slaughtered in order that Imperial opium might be stuffed down their brothers' throats.
The Imperialists are striving sans démordre [i.e. without letting go their hold] to efface the Australian sentiment. Once the name Australian was a "red-hot burning brand of shame", the scarlet letters flaming on the breast of every colonist. In those days it was a title written with a lash, and the "i" was dotted and the "t" was crossed with the gyves and the gallows. England did not want our company - then. Returned colonists were prima facie more likely to be accommodated with a shakedown in Bow Street or Newgate than to be fed with champagne and pate de foie gras in Royal quarters - without the option of a five-shilling fine for the repair of the Imperial cooking-stove.
When England, or the dear Prince, or a limited section of England's Tory statesmen - whoever it may have been - awakened to an idea of the importance of colonial co-operation to the successful accomplishment of their little schemes, Governors were sent out as Imperialistic scouts. Their business was to foster grovel and give balls; encourage sport and the firing of blank cartridges; sympathise with poverty and suffering in a truly patrician manner; open church-bazaars and grocery stores; flatter wealthy decrepitude, and erect a gorgeous popularity in the hearts of pugilistic loyalty generally. These were selected with private means, with a view of their attaining the above desirable popularity by a liberal expenditure of the coin drawn from the colonial treasury. So the Imperialistic Governor speedily becomes a patron of rum-begotten wealth and a sort of grand panjandrum and lord high admiral of every species of vested interests in the colony over which he is sent to govern. He has even been known to enter into brotherhood with the gilded whisky retailer and the pious usurer who has constructed his massive pile. The Imperialistic Governor does his work pretty thoroughly. He has been sent out to Australia to perpetuate a system which, in some colonies at least, had its foundation in convict rum and convict chains. And he does his work - not always wisely, or with any considerable amount of tact - but as well as he knows how. [802] It is a beautiful system, this which he attempts to hand down to the ages. It is the system of brute force, and it is supported in N.S.W. by Orangemen with clubs and with yellow livers; by footballers with hob-nailed kicking boots; and by University undergrads. with walking sticks and the intellects of capons.
Yet the Governor is only one move in the scheme of Imperialism. An English Admiral directs the movement of the Australian fleet, and an English General is put forward to command an Australian army. Every important office is filled by a representative of St. Jingo or by a man nominally Australian who looks across the water for advancement and for kudos. The Sons of the old country - the noisy, truculent scions of pretentious rascaldom - flock hither and wed their poverty to our prosperity and then strike an attitude of surprise because we object to British Toryism. The Australian native looks upon England not as a mother - we have too much experience of her bumptious children. We are wooed and wedded by her hectoring offspring, and even if we do tolerate them as husbands we object to the introduction of our mother-in-law into our homes - we cannot live peaceably in the same political house with England. The Governor England sends us retains his Imperialistic ascendancy by two methods - he stars in "society" and he patronises sport. The latter because he is too often good for little else than to smile approvingly as beasts are being urged past a winning-post. The rule of England is made popular in Australia through the vanity of the women and the "horsey-ness" of the men. If the colony's "boss" social light were to discontinue his receptions and balls at Government House, or his attendance at race-meetings, he would be contemptuously hustled out of the colony. He flatters the weakness of noodles who are fonder of show than of freedom. We had this admirably exemplified on 24th May last, when Lord CARINGTON first ministered to the toy-soldier vanity of the millinery officers who took part in the red-ochre display in Moore Park, and afterwards proceeded to the Randwick Racecourse to lend the mellifluousness of the vice-regal smile to a gathering largely composed of that vulgar brutality and brainless vanity which seem ever inseparable from the turf.
These are some of the forces and some of the means by which it is endeavoured to foster a sentiment inimical to the growth of Australian Democracy. But the cause of Australia is anything but hopeless. [...] The cause of Democracy in Australia is gaining strength, and every fresh act of repression serves simply to call to the surface the hidden forces that have hitherto been unsuspected. Republicanism in the colonies is as sure, though possibly slower in its consummation, as are intercolonial Freetrade and Protection against the world. [803]